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Detail of poster for artistic exchange & the FAT's 13th convention
Artist Beatriz Aurora

Mexican Labor News & Analysis

April 2016, Vol. 21, No. 4

 

Independent Investigation Into Ayotzinapa Students Disappearance Ends In Faliure

After a year attempting to find out what happened to 43 missing students of the Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers College, the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI), is leaving Mexico, having failed to solve the case. It is a failure the group attributes largely to the Mexican government.

The GIEI, a multinational panel, claims that the Mexican government worked to obstruct their efforts by refusing to share records of the case or to permit interviews with government officials. The GIEI also claims that the government repeatedly mishandled the investigation. The government says it cooperated fully with the investigators.

The Mexican Attorney General asserted early on that the students had been murdered and incinerated. The GIEI disputed the government’s claim in a first report several months ago. After the GIEI made its first report, the Mexican government and Mexican media, often manipulated by the government, began to harass the investigators and to impede their investigation, said GIEI members.

“The conditions to conduct our work don’t exist,” Claudia Paz y Paz of the GIEI told the press. “and in Mexico the proof is that the government opposed the extension of our mandate, isn’t it?” Paz y Paz received international acclaim for her prosecution of a former Guatemalan dictator on charges of genocide.

In its latest report, the GIEI asserts that five suspects, whose testimony provided the basis for the government’s version of events, made confessions “under torture or cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment.” Torture is virtually universal in Mexican police work, as has been documented over the years in many human rights reports by many organizations. It is the police practice of torture to produce culprits and testimony. This makes justice in Mexico impossible to achieve.

Many groups and individuals have argued that the Mexican state, and the Mexican Army in particular, were responsible for the disappearance (There was a military base near where the events occurred.) but the government has denied such claims.

The killing of six persons and disappearance of the 43 students in September 2014 led to widespread protests not only in Iguala, Guerrero where the events occurred, but also in Mexico City and throughout the country. The protest movement was one of the largest and most militant in recent Mexican history, but within a year the movement had subsided, though parents and their supporters continued to engage in protests and make demands on the government for the return of their children, alive as they were when forcibly disappeared.

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Explosion in Petroleum Plant Kills 32, Injures over 100

An explosion in a Mexican Petroleum Company (PEMEX) plant killed 32 workers and injured over 130 on April 21. The explosion took place in Coatzacoalcos, 370 miles southeast of Mexico City, at Plant 3 of the Mexican Petrochemical Plant Vinilo that produces the dangerous industrial chemical vinyl chloride. A worker was killed in a fire in this plant in February.

PEMEX has a long history of industrial accidents that kill large numbers of workers. In 2012 an explosion and an enormous fire at a Mexican Petroleum Company (PEMEX) pipeline carrying natural gas left 29 dead, 7 missing, and 46 injured at a distribution center near the U.S.-Mexico border near the town of Reynosa on Sept. 18. The pipeline carries natural gas from wells in the Burgos Basin to a distribution center.

One must wonder whether the recent changes in the PEMEX company - welcoming foreign investment, reductions in its’ workforce and a new labor agreement contributed anything to this most recent accident.

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Teachers Continue Protests; Government Punishes Teachers

Mexican teachers in several states, led by the National Coordinating Committee (la CNTE) of the teachers union (el SNTE) continued their protests against the government’s education reform throughout the month of April with mass marches and blockage of interstate highways. Teachers also engaged in hunger strikes and spilled their own blood in protest.

The government responded by arresting some teachers, docking the pay of those who missed work, terminating teachers who refused to take an evaluation examination, and indicting the leader of one local union. At least 20 teachers had been arrested and jailed and 3,500 fired by mid-April for refusing to take the exam required by the education reform law, according to Francisco Bravo, a former head of a teachers union local in Mexico City.
La CNTE is calling for a national teachers strike on May 15 and a national march in Mexico City.

Protests in Chiapas and Oaxaca

The protests were centered in this historic bastion of the dissident teachers’ movement: Chiapas, Oaxaca, Guerrero, and MichoacanThere were also protests in other states. In states where la CNTE is the elected leadership of the local unions or la CNTE or allied organizations are very strong, teacher protests were large and militant. In Chiapas the media reported a mass march of 100,000 teachers and their supporters which included the blocking of highways, setting some vehicles on fire, and confrontations with riot police.

The government arrested 18 Chiapas teachers on charges of terrorism, blocking highways, and destruction of property. They were transported to prison in Nayarit and subsequent protests led to the release of the teachers. The body of one teacher activist, David Núñez Juárez was found in his home; he appeared to have suffered a cranial hemorrhage, but the cause of death was not known, and an investigation is under way.

In Oaxaca, where highways were also blocked, some teachers engaged in a hunger strike to protest that fact that 1,500 teachers had had their pay docked for leaving their classrooms to join the demonstrations. -

CNTE Political Alliance with AMLO

In Oaxaca where La CNTE heads SNTE Local 22, the leadership voted to support a boycott of the parties that signed the Pact for Mexico, the parliamentary coalition created by President Enrique Peña Nieto including his Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the conservative National Action Party (PAN), and the left-of-center Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).

La CNTE’s national leadership entered into a pact with Andrés Manuel López Obrador, leader and likely presidential candidate of the Movement for National Regeneration Party (MORENA), who promises to overturn the Education Reform Law passed by the current government.

[See the Imanol Ordorika’s article on the Education Reform below.]

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Student Strike at National Polytechnic Institutes

Students at a majority of the campuses of Mexico’s National Polytechnic Institutes (IPN) struck in late April to protest what they argue is a government provocation intended to challenge the next meeting of the Polytechnic National Congress. The IPN campuses have a long history of militant protests and strike, through which they won the right to hold the annual Congress.

The IPN has 17,000 unionized teachers and staff and 170,000 students.

The striking students say the strike was called to protest the government’s decision to put the IPN under the Secretary of Public Education (SEP) headed by Arelio Nuño Mayer. Nuño Mayer claims that the SEP has always had control over the IPN, which is part of the SEP’s Sub-Secretary for Higher education. IPN Director Enrique Fernández Fassnacht, who agrees with Nuño Mayer, has called for negotiation with the student strikers.

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Panama Papers Implicate Rich Mexicans; Gov’t to Investigate 33

The Mexican Tax Administration Service (SAT) will investigate 33 Mexican businesspeople whose activities are called into question due to the release of the Panama Papers. Named in the papers were a total of 2,232 Mexicans, 774 of whom had current accounts and 43 of whom each had balances of over $5 million in Swiss banks.

The Panama Papers refers to more than 11 million documents from Mossack Fonseca, a Panamanian law firm, which were acquired by an unknown individual or group called “John Doe” who began to release them to German newspaper in 2015. On April 3 the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) and 100 collaborating international news organizations, including the Mexican Proceso and Aristegui Noticias, published the information.

Mossack Fonseca worked with 214,000 off-shore companies. While moving money off-shore may not be illegal, it might well be done to hide elicit funds, to launder money, or to avoid paying taxes.

Among those Mexicans under investigation are Emilio Lozoya, the former head of the state-owned Mexican Oil Company (PEMEX) who denies any relationship to Mossack Fonseca, and Juan Armando Hinojosa, who received many contracts from President Enrique Peña Nieto when he was governor of Mexico State and also built a $7 million mansion for Peña Nieto’s wife Angélica Rivera.

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Gubernatorial Candidate Portrayed as Corrupt in Video

Anonymous, the international organization of hackers, released a video in April showing that Miguel Ángel Yunes Linares, candidate for governor of Vera Cruz and his son Omar Yunes, had invest US$400 million in the purchase of 280 apartments in Houston, Texas to sell at a price of US$180,000 each. Yunes Linares is the gubernatorial candidate of the electoral alliance between the conservative National Action Party (PAN) and the left-of-center Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).

The video raises the question of how a politician and elected official could have acquired such an enormous sum of money.

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Teachers Union Official and Family Buy $8.2 Million in Miami Condos

Bernardo Quezada Salas, a high level official of the Mexican Teachers Union (el SNTE), and members of his family, spent US$8.2 million in the last dozen years to buy condos in luxury buildings in Miami, Florida, according to a story in the Miami Herald by Niholas Nehamas and Tim Johnson.

Quezada became a member of the teachers union in 1986, holding a variety of positions through 2015, including head of Local 60 of the union at National Polytechnic Institute (IPN). Throughout those years, his salary was about US$2,500 per month. How then could he have acquired the millions that he has spent in Florida?

Elba Esther Gordillo, former head of the union for many years, previously stole US$200 million in union funds, leading to her imprisonment. She owned homes not only in Mexico City but also in Paris, Buenos Aires, and San Diego, California.

Quezada Salas has not been accused or indicted for any crime, as of yet.

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Latin American Ngos Ask Canada to Clean up Its Mining Act

This article was originally published by Frontera NorteSur

A network of environmental and human rights activists from the Americas and Europe is appealing to Canada’s new prime minister, Justin Trudeau, to promote legislative and administrative reforms aimed at Canadian mining companies operating across the globe.

In an April 25 letter to the Prime Minister more than 190 non-governmental organizations, including Mexico’s Tlachinollan Human Rights Center of the Mountain, Bios Iguana, the Mexican Network of Persons Affected by Mining and other civil society groups, urged the Canadian leader to push reforms that will ensure mining firms from his country abide by international treaties, respect human rights standards and conform to transparent, good government practices in the public and private financing of mining investments.

The activists called on Trudeau to reject influence peddling around regulatory policies in countries where mining takes place, uphold the right of self-determination of Indigenous communities, refrain from backing free trade agreements and international arbitration mechanisms that shield corporations from accountability, and allow international victims of human rights violations access to the Canadian justice system.

Besides environmental damages, some Canadian-owned mining projects have been linked to violence against environmentalists and community leaders, political corruption and organized crime throughout Mexico and Latin America, according to numerous press reports and a new report from European-headquartered researchers.

The lure of new gold mines has also created lucrative opportunities for thieves, such as the 2015 robbery of 7,000 ounces of gold from the Canadian-owned El Gallo mine in Sonora, Mexico.

Asserting that previous Canadian governments lacked the political will to address international environmental and human rights concerns, the signatories of the Trudeau letter expressed optimism that Canada’s new leader will take a different track. “We are hopeful that your commitment to human rights will lead to measures that hold state agencies and corporations to account and prevent further abuses by Canadian mining companies operating abroad..”

During the administration of former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Canadian mining corporations, often subsidized by their home government, dramatically expanded their operations in Latin America and other regions of the world.

In Mexico, an estimated 70 percent of the mining is currently done by Canadian companies, especially in the states of Sonora, Chihuahua, Durango, Sinaloa, Jalisco, Guerrero, and Oaxaca. In many cases, the geography of mining overlaps with the geography of illicit drug production and other organized criminal activities.

According to a recent report by the Geneva-based Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime cited in the Mexican press, Mexico ranks as the world’s 13th largest gold exporter, chalking up $5.4 billion in exports in 2012 alone. State governments like Chihuahua’s have an open door policy to mining companies, and frequently tout their local mines as beneficial to a strong economy.

The Global Initiative report, “Organized Crime and Illegally Mined Gold In Latin America,” contends that organized crime “controls the right to realize” mining through extortion in several Mexican states, with underworld groups including Los Zetas, the Templar Knights, Guerreros Unidos, Los Rojos, and the Sinaloa Cartel having the say.

“Though criminal organizations benefit from the extortion of mines that legally operate, evidence also exists of deliberate collusion between the mines and leaders of organized crime,” the report states. According to the report’s authors, a similar pattern of mining/organized crime exists in Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Guyana, Peru, and Venezuela,

In Mexico the Global Initiative report claimed that not only are mining companies shaken down for turf fees, but so are company employees who are individually taxed for the “right” to work in a mine.

The report cited a March 2015 attack on a community near a Canadian Goldcorp mine in Mezcala, Guerrero, allegedly committed as “a reminder to pay” the protection money and which resulted in the killing of three off-duty Goldcorp employees. Although a company executive told a Guerrero newspaper that the slain workers were not engaged in employment-related activities at the time of their killings, victims’ relatives blamed Goldcorp for not providing adequate security.

There was a more recent mining controversy in the same region when fishermen and landowners staged protests this spring at a subsidiary of the Canadian mining company Torex Gold Resources in Nuevo Balsas, Guerrero. Demanding hefty compensation, the protesters alleged that mine-related explosions, dust and the dumping of oil and other waste into the local river were injuring or driving away fish in addition to negatively impacting the health of the local population.

According to Torex Gold Resource’s website, the Nuevo Balsas mine contains the estimated equivalent of 7.4 million ounces of gold. Geographically, both Mezcala and Nuevo Balsas are situated in the same organized crime corridor where government security forces and cartel gunmen have been linked to the murders and disappearances of civilians and Ayotzinapa college students on the evening of September 26-27, 2014, as well as to the prior disappearances of hundreds of other people.

Additional sources: La Jornada, April 26, 2014. Article by Matilde Perez U. La Jornada (Guerrero edition), April 3, 2016. Article by Raymundo Ruiz Aviles. Frontenet.com, March 31, 2016. Article by Gustavo Ramos. Proceso/Apro, March 30, 2016. El Financiero, March 28, 2016. Article by Natividad Ambrocio. El Sur, March 18, 30, 31, 2016; April 1, 6, 7, 9, 2016.

Frontera NorteSur: on-line, U.S.-Mexico border news, Center for Latin American and Border Studies, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, New Mexico. For a free electronic subscription email:fnsnews@nmsu.edu.

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Educational Reform: Trick, Myth, and Fraud

By Imanol Ordorika

The federal government’s actions and rhetoric with regard to so-called educational reform has turned into a source of social and political polarization in our country. Those who promote and defend it have created high expectations with regard to the improvement of the national education system. In reality, this reform has been a trick, a myth, and a fraud.

It is a trick in that it leads society to believe that normative changes—whose actual objectives are political and labor control of the teachers, the realignment and continued domination over the Mexican Teachers Union (el SNTE) to the official party and government, and domination over other union opposition groups—are a real educational reform focused on the improvement of public education. The proof that this is a truck is found in the absence of any general educational proposal based on contemporary reality, the needs of the country, and the project of national development, which would corresponded to a well defined educational philosophy and consistent pedagogical proposals.

The trick is based on an incredible myth: that the evaluation of basic education teaches is the fundamental action that must be taken to elevate the quality of education. The evaluation, that is the central proposal and almost the only one in what is called the education reform, will have effects on future hiring, promotion, the teaching career, and the removal of teachers from educational work. None of these actions by themselves produces an improvement in education.

The myth is based on the description and intentional discrediting of Mexican teachers, who are presented as the principal problem of education in Mexico. The media campaigns of Televsia and the diatribes of the group Mexicans First have played a fundamental role in this. For the Secretary of Public Education (SEP) and those groups the problem is the teachers and the solution that has been put in practice are the measures of control described above.

The fraud is based on the fact that the Secretary of Public Education and the National Institute for Educational Evaluation (INEE) know that the evaluations that have been proposed are impractical. That they can only carry out superficial and incomplete evaluations. That these will not have results that have been attributed to them and that they will have a negative impact on the professional, labor, and life experiences of tens of thousands of Mexican teachers.

Since the creation of INEE, in official documents and declarations of the president, it was suggested that the teaching evaluation could not be homogenous, but that it was necessary to “consider in the evaluation practices, everything from the education system to the classroom, the diversity of realities, cultures, and languages that exist in the country, which is without a doubt one of its major risks.” (INEE, “Evaluation in the Context of Educational Reform.”)

In accordance with the established norms and laws, the Secretary of Public Education, four types of evaluations will be carried out: 1) to enter the teaching profession; 2) to be promoted (which has just begun); 3) to be entitled to permanent positions; and 4) for “promotion based on incentives,” previously called the teaching career.

The most problematic of the evaluations is that regarding permanent positions. According to the law, 1.4 million teachers have to be evaluated every four years. The teachers’ job security depends on that examination. This means that each year some 350,000 teachers have to be evaluated for just this one sort of evaluation. The INEE and the Secretary of Pubic Education try to make us believe that they can create a complete and serious evaluation that takes into account the diversity and the heterogeneity that exists in our country. They known it is impossible. And that’s why it’s a fraud.

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Dark Night and Coming Dawn in Mexico

The Night of Iguala and the Awakening of Mexico (as we translate the title of this book), like Sergio Aguayo’s From Tlatelolco to Ayotzinapa, deals with the horrifying killing of six people and forced disappearance of 43 students of the Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers College in the town of Iguala, Guerrero on September 26, 2014.

How and why did this massacre occur? What interests does it serve? Who does it benefit? What will be its impact on the Mexican people and movements for political change? Those questions are the subject of this tremendously informative, interesting, and important book edited by two Mexican leftists and with contributions by more than a dozen others who attempt to understand both the historical context for these terrible events and how those events have changed Mexican society and politics.

The book is an interesting experiment in political collaboration between the editors, both university professors: Manuel Aguilar Mora, a long-time Trotskyist intellectual and political activist in Mexico, and Claudio Albertani, an anarchist teacher, writer, and activist.[1] The authors introduce the book from their shared revolutionary opposition to Mexico’s violent authoritarian political and economic system. In their introduction they argue, as others will in several essays in this collection, that while Mexico has a long history of extreme violence, the current explosion of tens of thousands of murders, can be correlated to the investments of the great multinational corporations, particularly those involved in the extractive industries, especially mining, and is not simply due to the drug cartels. (This is an argument similar to that of Dawn Paley’s Drug War Capitalism.)

Aguilar Mora and Albertani adopt Raúl Zibechi’s argument that “the massacre is a form of domination” and a way to expropriate social wealth while crushing all resistance. They also argue that the Night of Iguala represents a turning point in Mexican history, having lead to the “radicalization of broad sectors of society” and destroyed any further illusions about the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) - the party in power in both the State of Guerrero and the city of Iguala at the time of the massacre. They recognize that the protests movements that arose afterwards, having failed to unify, remained dispersed, and that the Mexican left will be challenged to unify both rural and urban protests into a radical movement for social change.

The Night of Iguala is divided into three sections: the first deals with the crime, the second with the context, and the third with the movement. In the first section we find:

•Carlos Fazio’s essay “About the Facts of Ayotzinapa/Iguala” provides a thorough and detailed account of the events of the night of the murders and forced disappearances, making the case that this was a state crime.
•Professor Román Munguía Huato’s contribution, “The Disappeared: Violence, Impunity, and State Terror,” discusses the significance of disappearance as a form of repression and traces the history of disappearances in Mexico from the first—the teacher Epifanio Avilés Rojas who was disappeared in 1969—to the tens of thousand that have taken place in recent years.
•Journalist Luis Hernández Navarro, contributes two stories, one suggesting the involvement of the Mexican Army in the Iguala events and another from the point of view of the parents whose children were disappeared and as they deal with the government officials and their explanations.

The second section deals with the context:

•Investigative journalist Flor Goche provides an account of the history of Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Normal School of Aytozinpa (the teachers college where the disappeared students had all studied) from its founding in the post-revolutionary era in 1926 to today, discussing various government attempts to starve the school to death.
•Ramón Espinosa Contreras, a graduate of Ayotzinapa with a doctorate in Social and Political Sciences at the Ibero-American University in Guerrero and now a researcher at the Autonomous University of Guerrero, writes a fascinating essay, “My Life in Ayotzinapa”. It discusses the history of the school, his early life as a child of a poor family, his entrance into Ayotzinapa in 1960, and his association with future guerrilla leader Lucio Cabañas, and involvement with social movements.
•Ramón Espinosa Contreras writes an essay, “Guerrero Between Violence and Poverty,” that provides a statistical account of the state’s poverty and deals with issues from forced sterilization to mass murder, such as Aguas Blancas in 1995 when 17 peasants were massacred.
•Falviano Bianchini’s essay on “Mining and Violence” explores the role of the drug cartels in mining districts in several states.

Part three deals with the movement:

•Manuel Aguilar Mora’s essay “The Collapse of a Certain ‘Left’” deals with the devastating impact of the Night of Iguala on the Party of the Democratic Revolution and places the Mexican political situation in the broader context of the current state of the left in Latin America. (We say more about this essay below.)
•Claudio Albertanti’s piece “In Defense of the Anarchists” presents a panorama of anarchism from its origins in the nineteenth century to the Battle of Seattle, the black bloc, and contemporary protests.
•Journalist Luis Hernández Navarro writes an essay on “Anarchism, Provocation, and Protest,” about the anarchist protestors in Mexico, as well as police infiltration and provocation.
•Enrique González Rojo Arthur, teacher, writer, and activist, contributes essays entitled “Capsules to Get Out of the Labyrinth,”. These are a series of short essays with a political program calling for combining election boycott, with a general strike, and the calling of a constituent assembly.
•Finally, Rafael Miranda Redondo, a doctor of philosophy at the Cumplutense University in Madrid, in her “Ayotzinapa and the Society We Want,” provides an essay of situationist inspiration, with elements of Cornelius Castoriadis and Antoinio Negri among many others, that looks back to 1968 as a way out for the left today.

The essays are followed by three very useful chronologies put together by Albertani: One on the return of the dirty war to Mexico; one dealing with the history of the normal schools, and one dealing with the events of September 26, 2014 to March 26, 2015. In addition to the many essays, there are also the photos of Mario Marlo, photojournalist and director of Somos el Medio, drawings by Omar Reséndiz (Chirín) and muralist Norberto Hernández, and poems by David Huerta and Rojo Arthur. (A drawing by Norberto Hernández, "I think, then they disappear me," accompanies this review.)

The book ends with an Afterward by the editors in which they suggest that the election boycott of June 2015 represented a key turning point. They ask, paraphrasing, is this the awakening we were waiting for? They answer, “Yes and no.” As a result of the many protests and the boycott, they argue, “In the Federal District, Guerrero, Oaxaca, and in some other parts of the country there now exists a mass base with a clear consciousness of what is meant by a truly revolutionary struggle.” Yet at the same time they recognize that the radicalization of some sectors of society principally in the south of Mexico is not sufficient to create a new revolutionary movement.

While this is without a doubt an extremely useful, interesting, and engaging book, it still has some weaknesses. The book’s introduction argues that capital investment, especially mining, is at the center of the upsurge in violence we have witnessed in Mexico, and yet the short chapter on “Mining and Violence” does not provide much information about mining in Mexico and is not convincing. Bianchini argues that Canadian and U.S. mining companies end up working with national drug cartels at the local level and in rural areas where it is possible to pressure governments and communities to accept their deals. Yet, while several mining states are mentioned, it is really only in Guerrero and Michoacán that we have seen the most extreme violence. The drug cartels seem more important than the mining interests.

Aguilar Mora and Albertani point out that many disappointed PRD intellectuals and activists have turned to the new political party, the Movement for National Regeneration (MORENA). The authors warn us that since MORENA is largely based on the charisma of López Obrador MORENA might likely repeat the unfortunate experience of the PRD, by rounding up working class and middle class people who want a more democratic and egalitarian society and corraling them into a party with reformist rhetoric and some reformist intentions but, is fundamentally committed to capitalism and in the existing political order.

The authors’ case for a new awakening in Mexico rests largely on the boycott. Aguilar Mora and Albertani argue that the election boycott was a turning point for the movement, but that was true only in Guerrero and Oaxaca, or perhaps one might include Michoacan and Chiapas at most. But in Guerrero and Oaxaca, when the Ayotzinapa protestors and the teachers union movement failed to convince their fellow citizens to boycott the election, they decided to peremptorily impose the boycott on other citizens, closing polling places, and burning ballot boxes which sometimes alienated local communities. The organizers never succeeded taking the boycott movement to a national level and it remained isolated to just a few states. It appears that the boycott may have served not to create a vanguard that could lead a movement, but to isolate the vanguard and separate it from any potential national movement.

We can agree with the closing lines of the book, that we still await the rise of a new Mexican workers movement to throw itself into the balance and begin to halt the many injustices and create a new Mexico.
Editors Aguilar Mora and Claudio Albertani have produced a book that should be in every university library, in every major public library, and in the hands of those who are concerned about human rights in Mexico.

END OF MLNA FOR APRIL 2016

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Arturo Silva Doray

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

"The relationship that we've had with international organizations
-- thanks to ties with UE   --  is hugely important.

"After each international meeting, we feel more and more encouraged by the knowledge that we're backed by outside organizations as strong as the UE."

-- Arturo Silva Doray
General secretary of municipal workers union in Juarez, Mexico
& of Federation of Municipal Workers for Chihuahua, Mexico

 


 

For more Information

For information about submission of articles and all queries contact editor Dan La Botz at the following e-mail address: danlabotz@cs.com or call (513) 861-8722. The mailing address is: Dan La Botz, Mexican Labor News and Analysis, 3503 Middleton Ave., Cincinnati, OH 45220.

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"This article was published by Mexican Labor News and Analysis, a monthly collaboration of the Mexico City-based Authentic Labor Front (FAT) and the Pittsburgh-based United Electrical Workers (UE)."

 

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